Single member districts is a voting system with electoral districts within which only one officeholder is elected in a given election. Proportional representation (PR) on the other side is a voting system within which a district is represented by more than one office holder, and all the representatives are elected at a go (Nikolenyi, 2011). Proportional representation is more effective than the single member districts system because it is democratic. It allows for proportional allocation of seats according to the percentage of votes garnered by each party ensuring all interest is represented (Nikolenyi, 2011). Single member districts on the other side demand that the winner represents all parties thus less representation because all votes do not represent the results.
Proportional representation allows ruling systems, regardless of if a party is defeated, the chance of complete representation of its people by all parties thus representing every citizen’s interest (Nikolenyi, 2011). Single member districts on the other side support their parent system by allowing for two dominant parties that can push for opposing agendas with ease under clear enacted policies (Nikolenyi, 2011). This is mainly because it is usually characterized by mainly two major parties free from interference by other parties.
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The electoral college constitutes of 538 electors from which a majority vote of 270 electoral votes is needed for the determination of the presidency after a popular vote. Each state is represented in the electoral college depending on entitled allotment. An electoral college vote can overturn a popular vote.
Because a popular vote represents the voice of a majority of an entire nation, an electoral vote should not function to determine the presidency in every other election but should remain to be invoked only when necessary. For example, it should be introduced in the event of a tie in an election to determine which candidate is more suitable.
- Nikolenyi, C. (2011). When electoral reform fails: The stability of proportional representation in post-communist democracies. West European Politics, 34(3), 607-625.
